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Ruth Leiserowitz, To Go To or Through Prussia?
1
TO GO TO OR THROUGH PRUSSIA?
Litvak Migratory Decisions in the Second Half of the 19
th
Century and Their
Consequences
INTRODUCTION
My research deals with the northerly section of the border region between
Lithuania and the Kingdom of Prussia. The time period, about which I would like
to present a few thoughts for your consideration today, encompasses the years
between 1860 – 1885. At that time the Lithuanian territory belonged to the
Czarist Empire, and directly on the border were the governorates of Kovno
(today’s Kaunas) and Suwalki. These made up the most western part of an area
referred to as the Jewish settlement district. During these decades, on the left (or
south) side of the border, there was a change from it being the Kingdom of
Prussia to being the German Empire. This border region experienced in the
second half of the 19
th
century continuous streams of Lithuanian, Polish, and
Jewish migrations moving to and through Prussia from the areas near the border.
In what follows, I want to examine the Jewish migratory movements of this
period, being guided by the following key questions: (1) What decisions affecting
migration were made? and (2) How were they acted upon? I will conclude by
summarizing a few of the consequences of these decisions from the point of view
of those Litvaks who remained in the border region.
THE CURRENT STATE OF RESEARCH
The focus of the research done so far has paid more attention to the centers of
Jewish life rather than to the regions with Jewish populations. Consequently no
larger works have been done so far on the Jews in the governorates of Kovno
and Suwalki. The history of the Jews in East Prussia has been investigated
primarily from the perspective of local centers, as in the monographs by Andrea
Ajzenstein and Stephanie Schüler-Springorum.
1
And with regard to the migration
during that time period, it is essential to mention the work of Steven Aschheim
1
Andrea Ajzensztejn, Die jüdische Gemeinschaft in Königsberg, Hamburg 2004; Stefanie
Schüler-Springorum, Die jüdische Minderheit in Königsberg/Preußen 1871–1945, Göttingen
1996.
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Ruth Leiserowitz, To Go To or Through Prussia?
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and Jack Wertheimer.
2
However, borders and in general the regions around
them and how they pertain to the Jews have not yet been the subject of
research. A part of this gap will be filled by my monograph “The Prussian
Periphery from the Jewish Perspective” (which will be published at the end of the
year). In it I make a plea that more attention be dedicated to the border regions
as well as to the processes that played themselves out there in the second half of
the 19
th
century. Decisions were made in those days which later, in so many
ways, had far-reaching consequences.
SOURCES
The first large group of sources is found in the files which the Prussian authorities
in the governmental district of Gumbinnen (the border region being studied)
compiled about Jewish and stateless citizens. A further body of sources is the set
of documents and first person documents of Jewish immigrants and those in
transit which I have collected in the course of the last seven years. The collection
of these latter sources from places around the world was possible solely with the
help of the Internet. And I have compiled a data bank in order to interlink and
analyze the different sources.
THE LOCAL SITUATIONS
a) Lithuania
At the end of the 19
th
century, Jews made up 13.8% of the inhabitants of the
governorate of Kovno. Of that number, 43.4% lived in the cities of Kovno
(Kaunas), Panevežys, Ukmergė (then called Vilkomir) und Šiauliai, 56% had
settled in Schtetl, and just barely 3% lived in the countryside.
3
Even though a massive migration toward West Europe and the United States
began in the last third of the 19
th
century, the Jewish population of the
governorate of Kovno still increased by about two and a half times between the
years 1847 and 1897. In addition to the emigration, internal migrations took
2
Steven A. Aschheim, Brothers and Strangers. The East European Jew in German and German
Jewish Consciousness, 1800–1923, Madison 1982; Jack Wertheimer, Unwelcome Strangers.
East European Jews in Imperial Germany, New York, Oxford 1987.
3
Levin (2000), S. 79.
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Ruth Leiserowitz, To Go To or Through Prussia?
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place: one into the interior of the country and the other into the border region with
Prussia. The rule, in general, was that social advancement was only achievable
through geographic mobility. Whoever among the Litvaks wanted to climb
socially had to choose between the centers and the periphery. The cities
experienced increasingly strong growth since people expected to find better
possibilities for work and earning a living there. The border was the place to find
other new possibilities. In the localities located on the border there were many
inhabitants who were there only medium-term. If a good opportunity to leave the
Czar’s empire came up, then Jewish immigrants from the interior immediately
moved in to take their places.
In the small cities right on the Prussian border, the Jews made up around 40-
60% of the population in the 19
th
century. Differently than in the interior, which
was shaken by various crises, on the imperial periphery one found life and
movement. The Polish rebellion in January 1863 sent ripples even into the border
region. In addition to the economic problems, famines, and epidemics, there was
also increasing political pressure being applied by the Czarist system.
4
b) Prussia
With the beginning of the Crimean War in 1853, the situation on the Prussian-
Lithuanian border changed radically. During the length of the war from 1853-
1856, Russia experienced a trade boycott imposed by all sides (with the
exception of Prussia).
5
As a consequence, the Czarist government had to
unblock the border with Prussia. All imports into the expanses of the Russian
empire were now conducted over the border, through Memel and Tilsit. Driven by
these economic factors, a sudden and politically unintended liberalization of the
border control took place.
6
The border was virtually open and later these times
4
Stanislaw Chankowski, The Attitudes of the Jewish Population of Augustow Province Toward
the January (1863) Insurrection, in: Landsmen 2, S. 2–3.
5
Christian Friese, Russland und Preußen vom Krimkrieg bis zum Polnischen Aufstand,
Berlin/Königsberg 1931; Paul W. Schroeder, Austria, Great Britain, and the Crimean War: The
Destruction of the European Concert, Ithaca 1972; Winfried Baumgart, The Crimean War, 1853–1856,
London 1999. The effects of the war on the Russian economy and the Prussian periphery have
hardly been researched.
6
This sudden liberalization took place not just on the border. During the war, the Jews in all of the
Russian Empire were allowed to bring their markets to where the troops were even though there
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went down as golden years in the history of the region. Nor could this ad hoc
liberalization of the border control that happened be brought into check again for
quite a while. Beginning in 1861 there was a regulation for the local border traffic
within the 30 km zone, whose permission slips were valid for three days. The
newly emerging economic relationships, the noticeable differentiation of
commercial and transport traffic, as well as the growing number of people all
resulted in the participation of more strata of the population in the commerce that
was reaching across the border and it created primarily for the Jewish immigrants
new commercial arenas in Prussia. The residency rules for non-citizens were
relatively generous and in those years Prussian citizenship was granted without
much problem.
c) Industrialization and Space
Until the beginning of the 19
th
century a kind of no-man’s land had existed
between the small towns on the one or the other side of the border. The border
region was demarcated on the one side by the last post horse depot and the
customs office also located there and on the other side by the next post depot
and customs office. Admittedly, hardly anyone knew where the actual border line
was if he had not crossed it on business or on a journey. The experience of the
border was still a unique experience.
The railroad, which had been crossing the border in this region since the end of
the 1860s, brought about some far-reaching changes. The new investment in an
extensive infrastructure led to a new structuring and settling of the whole of what
was earlier the no-man’s land and caused what was the border region to shrink
down to a perceptible border line. The invention of this new form of transportation
led to a significant increase in traffic; contrary to all predictions, the railroad
quickly developed into a mode of mass transit.
In addition to all these effects, changes in mental attitudes were also not lacking.
The new perspective of physical space increasingly influenced decisions that
determined the future course of people’s lives. The disappearance of “traditional
were restrictions against staying near the troops sutler’s trade. See: Jeschurun, Zweites Beiblatt
zum Augustheft, 15. August 1855, S. 1.
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travel zones”
7
between two points meant that small towns were now perceived to
be considerably closer together. What were previously inaccessible towns now
became part of the neighborhood. Thus, the railroad had become a medium for
socialization. The Russian Empire, the Jewish settlement district, which was
quite quickly had railroad tracks crossing it, and the governorate of Kaunas were
now seen with new eyes. The map in one’s mind was made not only larger and
more colorful by this invention, no, additional depths, dimensions, and
colorfulness were added to it that no one would have thought possible. These
experiences caused a part of the Jewish community to have a much keener
perception of their own life-world (Lebenswelt) and new thoughts about their own
connection to their local town. In many cases, these considerations led to losing
the idea of being bound to their town and to deciding to emigrate – it made no
difference to which place or continent.
STRATEGIES
By tradition, the Litvaks were duty-bound to strive to acquire education, status,
and financial security. Jewish parents dreamt of their sons becoming a rabbi. But
with the Enlightenment, new challenges appeared on the horizon. At the same
time, hindrances along the path to new careers made themselves clearly
apparent. The existing injustice could be borne using one’s own sense of self-
worth. For many young people, the old world did not offer any challenges.
Russification or Prussification were in both cases no longer bearable for a part of
the new generation who did not want to make any further compromises. They
simply longed for America.
8
This theme was already rooted in people’s heads
well before economic pressure and political situations caused the non-Jewish as
well as the Jewish exodus to America to become a mass phenomenon.
After the famine of 1867/68, the Lithuanian emigration from the governorates of
Kaunas and Suwalki became massive. Nevertheless, the numbers did not reach
those of the Russian Jews and the Poles. The emig ration of Russians
7
Wolfgang Schivelbusch, Geschichte der Eisenbahnreise. Zur Industrialisierung von Raum und
Zeit im 19. Jahrhundert, Frankfurt a. M. 2002, S. 39.
8
Cf. Milton Meltzer, A History of Jewish Life from Eastern Europe to America; Northvale 1996.
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themselves was comparatively low since in the second half of the 19
th
century
their labor was particularly needed to exploit the mineral wealth of Siberia. The
emigration of ethnic minorities, on the other hand, was accelerated by the czarist
policy of Russification. However, the czarist bureaucracy at first would not
approve any emigration and as a result kept no emigration statistics. Added to
that, most emigrants left the Russian Empire secretly. The czarist administration
used every means to battle against the emigration and required the governorates
as well as the local police to do the same.
9
How were the departures organized? Often parts of the family went in very
different directions. Pious Jews went rather early on to Palestine; South Africa
was considered a good address for young, risk-ready persons; England was
preferred by those who, among other things, balked at the transatlantic journey;
and whoever was without means, almost always chose America as the
emigration goal. Sometimes those who wanted to leave worked for months, even
years, in Prussia in order to earn their ship’s passage.
10
Those who had at least
some funds, settled in Prussia. As with so many others, the paths of the Direktor
family from Wystiten went in different directions. Chaim Jehudah Direktor, at age
16, the youngest son and without any means, boarded a boat in Hamburg for
America, while his older brothers David and Aron Direktor went over the border
to Goldap and opened a brush factory there.
11
At the beginning of the 1880s, for
example, the brothers Sternfeld left Wystiten before they turned 17 and could be
drafted into military service.
12
They followed their relative Albert Sternfeld, who
had been born and grew up in Labiau, but who at age 22 legally left Prussia in
order to seek his luck in America.
13
David Sternfeld went to Kimberly in South
9
The data about the issuance of passports, the different kinds of temporary visas, and gender of
the emigrants were first collected from about 1865 onward. The yearly reports from the governors
of Vilnius, Kaunas, and Suwalki to the Czar reliably present the economic situation and the status
of emigration. The documents in the Russian Central State Archive in St. Petersburg show how
strongly the czarist administration fought against illegal emigration.
10
Cf.. Robert E. Mitchell, „David Mitchell, his Parents, Wife and Siblings from Vistytis (Vishtinetz).
Draft Genealogical Report“, March 2000, in Archiv JOP.
11
E-Mail from Joel L. Friedman, 28. Oktober 2000, in Archiv JOP.
12
Bericht von Jane Starfield, 28. November 2004, in Archiv JOP.
13
AP Olsztyn, 1588/10, Landratsamt Labiau, Ein- und Auswanderungen 1856–1869, früher: Rep.
18, Landratsamt Labiau, Abt. VIII, Nr. 2, S. 52.
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Africa, where there were diamond mines, but when gold was discovered in
Wiwatersrand in 1886, he moved there. His brother Chaim, a rabbi by profession,
also emigrated to South Africa, but within a few years went to Palestine where he
settled in Petach Tikvah.
14
Their sister, Taube Leah, stayed in Wystiten. Either no
one could come up with the money for her ship passage, or as the last child, she
had to stay with the parents. In many letters sent oversees, the young girl, now
left behind, complained that is was becoming more and more difficult to find a
husband. The small city had become known for its surplus of clever and pretty
and marriageable young girls.
15
Young Jews from remote areas came to the
border in order to go to Wystiten to find a wife.
TRANSIT
By the end of the 1860s, more and more people – Poles, Jews, Russians,
Lithuanians, and Germans – were crossing the border of East Prussia to get to
the territory of the North German Confederation or what later was the newly
formed German Empire.
16
Their stays were sometimes short or for a longer
period. In the biography of the well-known American anarchist Emma Goldman it
reads: “born 1869 in Kaunas, Lithuania. At 16 emigrated to the USA.”
17
In
between these two dates of 1869 and 1885 lies a four year period in her life that
is not widely known, yet it was formative for her life story as young Emma lived in
Königsberg with her grandmother.
„I had only had three and a half years of Realschule in Königsberg. [...] The régime was
harsh, the instructors brutal: I learned scarcely anything. Only my teacher of German had
been kind to me. My teacher worshipped the royal house; Frederick the Great and Queen
Luise were her idols. I, too, became a devotee of Queen Louise.
18
14
One of the first Jewish settlements of the 19th Century in Palestine, founded in 1878.
15
Oppenheim (1995), S. 46.
16
0.
17
Emma Goldman (1869 Kaunas – 1940 Toronto), Anarchistin, Autorin.
18
Emma Goldman, Living my Life, London 1988, S. 116.
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Even if in Emma’s life (and those of the other border crossers) many other
cultural influences followed, the moments of the transit through Prussia left
memories with them for a lifetime. Emma’s family was not an isolated case.
Between 1870 and 1885, hundreds of Jewish families and individuals crossed
the border, which had now been brought so close by rail connections, and settled
temporarily in East Prussian cities, towns, and villages. They were just a
fragment of a mass movement of people, Jews and non-Jews, who were striving
to leave Poland, the Baltic region, and Russia.
19
Predominantly it was the
members of the lower class and the lower middle class who were leaving.
20
At that time, the way from the Lithuanian Schtetl did not yet run directly through
to the embarkation harbors and on to the new world. The more or less linear
route was first formed in the decade of the 90s in the 19
th
century. In hindsight,
an imagined straight path from the decision to emigrate to the migration that
followed were images that came solely from the perspective of those looking
back on it. In fact, the emigration in those days was accompanied by varying
dynamics. Among them was, for one, the central economic question: How to
finance the move? Only a few brought the sum for the ship’s passage with them
directly from Lithuania But doubts and fears about the uncertain future were also
a moment for pause: should one really leave the continent? Were the chances in
Europe really so limited? Could one not just establish oneself on the other side of
the border as other friends or acquaintances in Prussia had done? These and
other reasons persuaded many immigrants, Jewish and non-Jewish, during the
long decades from 1860 to 1885 to make a stop over in East Prussia, where they
could pause and await further developments.
19
See. Eidintas (2003); „Viele von jenen Auswanderern kamen zunächst nach Deutschland, um
sich hier das Fahrgeld zusammenzusparen. Manch einer gab allmählich den Plan auf, und so
kam es, dass mit den Dienstmädchen und Knechten, die als Sommerarbeiter nach Deutschland
gekommen waren, im ganzen etwa 3.000 Litauer jährlich den Sommer über in Deutschland
waren [...].“ He further describes their lives and neglected conditions. „In den katholischen
Grenzpfarreien entfielen zuletzt 25–30 % aller Taufen auf litauische uneheliche Russenkinder.“
Siehe Johannes Wronka, Kurland und Litauen, Freiburg i. Br. 1917, S. 135.
20
That is true for the Jewish part of the population as well as the German which migrated in the
19th Century to the USA. Among the Germans, about 95% belonged to the lower class / the
lower part of the middle class. See Jahnke (2004), S. 329–344, here S. 330.
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In this period of waiting, the Litvaks who had begun the journey also looked back
toward their country of origin and waited for news, often entertaining unrealistic
hopes that perhaps changes might have happened back there. But in fact the
economic conditions in the western governorates of the Czar’s empire worsened
dramatically. Each new piece of news from home actually reconfirmed for those
who were in transit that the decision to leave had been the right one. Frequently
another family member came and joined them; drawn in the wake of the other’s
decision, they also finally decide to leave.
The straightest line was taken by the young men who were fleeing the military
draft. Usually they were free of social responsibilities and brimming with a desire
for adventure. Moreover, they were often under pressure to leave the continent
as quickly as possible. For families, however, it was more difficult to quickly begin
the journey. Unexpected events and illnesses frequently forced them to defer
their enterprise or to completely re-arrange their plans.
21
In addition to young
families seeking a future, individual young women also left home to find their
fortune or to follow after the one they loved.
22
Women with whole flocks of
children were underway. The fathers had gone ahead to America to check out
the terrain and to work to earn the cost of their passage. If the longed-for letter
finally arrived, the whole family set out on the journey. However it also often
happened that the men sent back no word after they left. In that case, the rest of
the family sat in a village on the Prussian border and waited.
23
As a result, in the first decade of the German Empire, a group of emigrants
accumulated on the edges of the province of East Prussia. They had already left
21
Sara Tittmann, who was twelve years old, had to stay behind with relatives in Memel because
she was sick. It was arranged that she should follow her family once she was well again. A part
of her family died in a fire on the ship filled with emigrants. Sara stayed in Memel and got married
there. Her siblings only saw her again when through their help in 1939 she received an entry visa
to the USA and then was able to see her family again.
22
Z. B. GSTA, XX. HA, Rep. 12, Abt. 1, Tit. 3, Nr. 19, 1885–1904 Nachweis der Überläufer I–XII,
Bd. XI Tilsit, Nr. 66 Jeanette Guttmann (geb. 1865), nach Amerika (IV/86).
23
The publisher of Hamagid, Eliezer Lipmann Silbermann, published on the back page of his
newspaper, among the other announcements and advertisements, requests for information about
husbands who had disappeared. In 1869 he complained that the weekly newspaper, even if it
appeared daily, still would not be able to print all the messages from abandoned wives. See
Mark Baker, „The Voice of the Deserted Jewish Woman, 1867–1870“, in: Jewish Social Studies
2, no. 1 (1995), S. 98–124, here S. 100.
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their home areas in the Lithuanian province and found themselves in the middle
of their journey in search of a new existence. My work looks at an infinitesimally
small area of the European continent. But overall these observations, being used
to look at the virtual transit area that had come into being there, seem in that
same time period to be valid for all of middle Europe.
24
In many places in the
border region, Jewish (but also non-Jewish) immigrants took up temporary
residence, financed a way of living for the time being, and collected information
about future prospects. This imaginary transit area stretched from Memel through
Berlin, Bremen and Hamburg to Antwerp and further to other embarkation
harbors.
25
The mental attitude of the migrants can best be described with a term
from the 20
th
century: on the road. This migration process was a profound family
experience which left its impression on a whole generation.
26
They lived in a
sphere which gave them access to information from the old and the new world.
There were numerous contacts with others who were also in search of a new
center for their lives, yet they also met those who were returning disappointed or
having failed from England or the new world, as well as others who earned their
money by establishing themselves as permanent travelers between the two
worlds. People did not simply disappear once they emigrated. Now and then a
few people came back.
27
Many sent letters describing their experiences, sent
money or tickets for the passage to relatives, friends, or neighbors.
28
24
Elias Marwilsky from Wystiten lived for a year in Paris before he went to the USA. See
„Vishtinetz (Wisztyniec/Westitten)“, Landsmen (1991), S. 32.
25
Breslau was also a stopping point. See Till van Rahden, „Einbürgerung und Ausweisung
ausländischer Juden in Breslau“, in: Tel Aviver Jahrbuch für deutsche Geschichte XXVII/1998, S.
47–69, hier S. 51; This transit can also be referred to as a Thirdspace as suggested by Edward
Soja, see Edward Soja, Thirdspace: Journeys to Los Angeles and Other Real and Imagined
Places, Cambridge, USA 1996.
26
Vgl. Elke Jahnke, „Primäre soziale Beziehungen deutscher Amerikaauswanderer im 19.
Jahrhundert“, in: Matthias Beer/Dittmar Dahlmann (Hg.), Über die trockene Grenze und über das
offene Meer. Binneneuropäische und transatlantische Migrationen im 18. und 19. Jahrhundert,
Essen 2004, S. 329–344, hier S. 330.
27
GSTA, XX. HA, Rep. 12, Tit. 3, Abt. 1, Nr. 19, Bd. III–XII, Nachweisungen der russischen
Überläufer 1886–1902.
28
Vgl. David Blackbourn, „Das Kaiserreich transnational. Eine Skizze“, in: Conrad/Osterhammel
(2004), S. 302–324, hier S. 311.
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THE ABRUPT END IN 1885
At the beginning of the 80s, Prussian politicians, influenced by anti-Semitic
movements and attitudes, began to put a halt to the migration into Prussia and to
deport non-citizens.
29
The East Prussian transit area of the long decades (1860-
1885) was destroyed by the targeted anti-Jewish deportation practice of the
Prussian state. The long-term intention was to create a national border and to do
so it was necessary to form congruent political and cultural borders. In that
moment, the individual decision-making process of the Jewish immigrants was
called into action; they took a deep breath and either sought citizenship or
decided to move on.
While on the one hand during this time, the view from the centers of the German
Empire, was to fixedly secure and strengthen the borders, for economic reasons
on the periphery a further process of border crossings developed in which Jewish
migrants moving through the area without a passport were tolerated by the
Prussian government.
To the extent that the administered border in the late middle of the 19
th
century
contracted itself territorially from a zone down to a line, the process of crossing
the border was also speeded up. What earlier had in no way been restricted
crossings, now were increasingly limited to the defined straight transversal of a
third country, and in doing so even the definition of third country (or transit
country) became clearer. Not just the length of time for crossing was shortened
immensely, also the ‘business’ of leading migrants to or through Prussia
significantly diminished. The kind of decision to cross made individually gradually
disappeared. By the beginning of the 90s, because of the increasing political and
financial interests of the authorities, transit corridors developed from the East
29
See: Helmut Neubach, Die Ausweisungen von Polen und Juden aus Preußen 1885/86. Ein
Beitrag zu Bismarcks Polenpolitik und zur Geschichte des deutsch-polnischen Verhältnisses,
Wiesbaden 1967; Richard Blanke, Prussian Poland in the German Empire: 1871–1900, New York
1981.
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Ruth Leiserowitz, To Go To or Through Prussia?
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Prussian border (and other sections of the imperial border with the Russian
Empire) to the harbors of embarkation.
30
CONSEQUENCES
With the beginning of the national socialist persecution of the Jews in the 30s,
the Litvak families that still lived in Prussia renewed their familial contacts with
those in other countries. These family relationships, given the lack of any need to
justify reviving contact, were relatively easy to mobilize again. As a rule, these
relatives had left at the beginning of the 80s in the 19
th
century when the family
on the other side of the border went different ways to pursue their own individual
plans for their lives. The interval of about 50-55 years was for the most part still
present in the family’s memory, and this allowed for the re-connection. Families
were supported by their relatives in their efforts to emigrate in the USA or South
Africa, or to help send their children to Great Britain with what were called
children’s transports.
31
Litvaks who had decided in the 19
th
century to pursue
prospects in Prussia, by the second generation had to recognize that in spite of
all their local commitments and responsibilities, they found themselves on a
deadly one way street. The only chance to be saved from it came from
assistance from this private, transnational network.
30
More about see: Tobias Brinkmann, “From green borders to paper walls: Jewish migrants from
Eastern Europe in Germany before and after the Great War”, in: History in Focus
31
Children’s transport was the designation for a exception given by the British government for the
temporary immigration of Jewish children between the ages of 14 and 17 from Germany to Great
Britain between December 1938 and 1. September 1939. Vgl. Rebekka Göpfert, Der Jüdische
Kindertransport von Deutschland nach England 1938/39. Geschichte und Erinnerung, Frankfurt a.
M./New York 1999.
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